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Chronicling the Crisis of the Working Class

• Susie Day, "President Mao-bama's Little Red Primer"
  See the angry Middle Americans. See them march on Washington. They are marching against Big Government. Are they protesting the President's recent Big Government support for the nuclear power industry? No, they are protesting the President's socialism. Hear them sing "God Bless America." See them carry signs that call the President a "parasite in chief." See them wave Confederate flags. Silly us -- we didn't know that Confederate flags meant GO-BACK-TO-AFRICA-BIG-GOVERNMENT. Now see the U.S. Left. The U.S. Left actually wants socialism! The U.S. Left is made up of many factions, each of which wants a different kind of socialism. But all U.S. Left factions are united in their disagreement with the President's policies. They are also united in not marching on Washington. See the U.S. Left quietly watching the U.S. Right on the march. See it watch the U.S. Right usurp the Left's own protest tactics to overthrow a socialist president who staunchly supports capitalism so that the U.S. Right can regain power and implement the same policies as those of the previous president whose policies closely resembled those of the current socialist President except that he is black.
• Rick Wolff, "Class War"
  In class war, capitalists deflect their adversaries' anger and bitterness lest such feelings mobilize workers. Heavy spending on publicity, think tanks, mass media, celebrity spokespersons, and academics achieves this by blaming government, not capitalists, for workers' difficulties. Consider the current campaign, financed chiefly by private medical insurance corporations, against extending public coverage to millions of medically uninsured citizens. It demonizes that extension as "imposing socialism." The campaign taps citizens' fears that another government program will cost them. It helps people "forget" (if they knew) that in 2008 some 87.4 million US citizens already had and strongly supported public medical insurance (Medicare, Medicaid, and the military's VA system). It omits any mention that between 2004 and 2008, the median family deductible for in-network medical services in most private medical insurances provided by employers rose from $1,000 to $1,850. By suppressing awareness of rising private costs while exaggerating risks of rising public costs, the private insurers' campaign alarms citizens into opposing the extension of government insurance. For the same reasons, few Americans grasp that the US private medical system is much more expensive than public systems in many other countries (that also deliver better public health); the World Health Organization ranks the US as 37th in the quality of its health system (France ranks #1).
• Gareth Porter, "Crucial Iran Nuclear Evidence 'Covered Up'"
  The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) says its present objective regarding Iran is to try to determine whether the intelligence documents purportedly showing a covert Iranian nuclear weapons program from 2001 to 2003 are authentic or not. The problem, according to its reports, is that Iran refuses to help clarify the issue. But the IAEA has refused to acknowledge publicly significant evidence brought to its attention by Iran that the documents were fabricated, and has made little, if any, effort to test the authenticity of the intelligence documents or to question officials of the governments holding them, Inter Press Service (IPS) has learned.
• Juan Kalvellido, "Freedom of Expression" (Cartoon)
  "Admit that now you have more freedom of expression . . . or I will kill you."
• Wilson C. Jacob, "Other Inscriptions: Sexual Difference and History Writing between Futures Past and Present"
  With Desiring Arabs, Joseph Massad makes a significant contribution to the existing scholarship on sexuality. He merits praise for boldly tackling the problematic of knowledge in a world that continues to be unevenly carved up along political, economic, and military lines -- lines which are viscerally felt in the Middle East. His struggle to expose the historical formation of what are taken to be natural forms -- sex, desire, and identity -- and the politics surrounding them through a mapping of points made about deviations from their modern norms is at once exhilarating and frustrating. The breadth of the "archive" assembled in his work is truly dazzling while the argument imposed on this expansive collection is ultimately unsatisfying. Desiring Arabs is a work of retrieval and of critique. It describes an emerging field of sexuality even as it disavows it. The discursive renderings of the Arab and of desire are cast as historical but they recursively appear as flawed portrayals, evoking the presence of an immanent truth only known to the author but never fully divulged.
• Juan Kalvellido, "Dialogue" (Cartoon)
  "I'm in favor of dialogue!" "Shut up when the rest of us are speaking."
• Prabhat Patnaik, "The Public and the Private"
  What I wish to argue in this paper is that the transition from a world of protests to a world marked by their relative absence is linked to another transition, namely from a dirigiste to a neo-liberal economic regime. The transition to a neo-liberal economic regime has often been viewed as entailing a loss of sovereignty on the part of the nation-State. The perspective underlying this view however is erroneous: it takes the nation-State as a given, and examines the degree of its autonomy vis-à-vis metropolitan States. But the real issue relates to a fracturing of the nation itself, and hence to a change in the character of the State that presides over it. It is not that the Indian State presiding over a given Indian nation loses its assertiveness vis-à-vis the metropolis; but, rather, a hiatus develops within the Indian nation itself, or what was hitherto the Indian nation, with the bourgeoisie increasingly "seceding" from it to form a strategic alliance with the metropolitan bourgeoisie, as Indian capital becomes increasingly integrated with global financial capital, and the State increasingly representing the exclusive interests of the bourgeoisie, and thereby also becoming a strategic ally of the metropolitan State-system. What this leads to is an increasing political exclusion of the masses from even such power as they enjoyed in the period after independence, a coming to an end of the apparently inclusive nature of the post-colonial State, where it appeared responsive to the needs of all sections of the population (even while building capitalism under the umbrella of dirigisme). From being a State that appears to represent the interests of all, it becomes increasingly a State that represents the exclusive interests of the bourgeoisie, especially the big bourgeoisie, that is itself getting integrated with global capitalism, under the plea that the interests of all are served by the promotion of the interests of the big bourgeoisie. . . . But then, it may be asked: political disempowerment of the people may be ingrained in the structure of a neo-liberal economy; but why do the people accept it? How does this disempowerment get thrust on them without evoking massive resistance? This is because the capacity for resistance is closely linked in our society to the balance between the public and private sectors which undergoes a fundamental shift under neo-liberalism.
• Bernard D'Mello, "'Encounters Are Murders'"
  Truly, independent India has not yet made a break from its colonial past. Just as the British colonialists put in place a repressive legal structure to deal with the nationalist struggle for independence and called the latter's militant section terrorist, maintaining all kinds of repressive sections on the statute book to deal with the Non-cooperation, Civil Disobedience and Quit India movements, the present rulers have continued in the same vein as far as the Maoist movement is concerned, as also with respect to the nationalist movements in Kashmir and the northeast. The bulk of the encounter killings are to be found in the districts where the Maoist movement is active and in the areas of nationalist militancy. Recent fake encounter cases come to mind, for instance, in the forest village of Singaram in Dantewada district of Chahattisgarh where on January 8 this year 19 persons were cold-bloodedly murdered by special police officers, the government falsely claiming that it was in an encounter with the Maoists. A more recent case is the "encounter" killing of the unarmed Sanjit Chongkham by the Manipuri Rapid Action Police Force commandos on July 23 in broad daylight in Imphal, 500 metres from the state assembly, captured vividly on camera and published in Tehelka (8 August 2009). . . . There are no reliable statistics on police encounters at the all-India level, but, for the state of Andhra Pradesh, the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee (APCLC) has recorded roughly 1,800 encounter deaths between 1997 and 2007.
• Dorothy Sue Cobble, "The Other Women's Movement: Workplace Justice and Social Rights in Modern America"
  Class differences have always affected the l